The Cumulative Power of Small Effects

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Caplan posted a link to this paper on the "Power of Personality" by Roberts et al.  It includes some valuable passages on the history of psychometry: 

... Walter Mischel(1968) argued that personality traits had limited utility in predicting behavior because their correlational upper limit appeared to be about .30. Subsequently, this .30 value became derided as the ‘‘personality coefficient.’’ Two conclusions were inferred from this argument. First, personality traits have little predictive validity. Second, if personality traits do not predict much, then other factors, such as the situation, must be responsible for the vast amounts of variance that are left unaccounted for. The idea that personality traits are the validity weaklings of the predictive panoply has been reiterated in unmitigated form to this day (e.g., Bandura, 1999; Lewis, 2001;Paul, 2004; Ross & Nisbett, 1991). In fact, this position is so widely accepted that personality psychologists often apologize for correlations in the range of .20 to .30 (e.g., Bornstein, 1999).
    Should personality psychologists be apologetic for their modest validity coefficients? Apparently not, according to Meyer and his colleagues (Meyer et al., 2001), who did psychological science a service by tabling the effect sizes for a wide variety of psychological investigations and placing them side-by-side with comparable effect sizes from medicine and everyday life. These investigators made several important points. First, the modal effect size on a correlational scale for psychology as a whole is between .10 and .40, including that seen in experimental investigations (see also Hemphill, 2003). It appears that the .30 barrier applies to most phenomena in psychology and not just to those in the realm of personality psychology. Second, the very largest effects for any variables in psychology are in the .50 to .60 range, and these are quite rare (e.g., the effect of increasing age on declining speed of information processing in adults). Third, effect sizes for assessment measures and therapeutic interventions in psychology are similar to those found in medicine. It is sobering to see that the effect sizes for many medical interventions—like consuming aspirin to treat heart disease or using chemotherapy to treat breast cancer—translate into correlations of .02 or .03. Taken together, the data presented by Meyer and colleagues make clear that our standards for effect sizes need to be established in light of what is typical for psychology and for other fields concerned with human functioning.

The paper goes on to make an important point about the cumulative power of small effects:

... Moreover, when attempting to predict these critical life outcomes, even relatively small effects can be important because of their pragmatic effects and because of their cumulative effects across a person’s life (Abelson, 1985; Funder, 2004; Rosenthal, 1990).In terms of practicality, the À.03 association between taking aspirin and reducing heart attacks provides an excellent example. In one study, this surprisingly small association resulted in 85 fewer heart attacks among the patients of 10,845 physicians (Rosenthal, 2000).
I have heard effect sizes around the 0.2 level from reseach in psychology and sociology dismissed by engineers as "useless". Medical practitioners are not so cavalier. An effect size at the 0.05 level in the field of finance would be a powerful money making machine. 

China, America, and Abortion

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China is the country of the One Child Policy, a policy that has been in place for a generation. From that, you might expect that Chinese people are more positively disposed toward abortion than Americans are. Au contraire. The World Values Survey asked people in America and China to report their opinion of abortion on a 10 point scale, with 1 as "Always Justified" and 10 as "Never Justified". The American distribution of replies has three humps at 5, 1, and 10 (in that order): the middle and the two extremes. Replies in China, on the other hand, lump overwhelmingly at one end: "Never Justified".   

The Emergence of China in the Global Economy

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In mid 2004 Lester Thurow gave a talk on the emergence of China in the global economy. He raises a number of important points. Half way through the talk, he dissects the growth numbers. China has a bottom up reporting system and a top down promotion system. Administrators advance in the ranks by posting good numbers. This is a recipe for over reporting. Unsurprisingly there is a mismatch between the amount of economic activity reported to Beijing and the amount measured through electricity use. The rule of thumb is that an increase in GDP of 1% requires an increase in electricity use of 2%. Japan is the most efficient. It can squeeze a 1% increase in GDP from a 1.7% increase in electricity, but that is only because, since the energy shortage of the 70's, Japan has systematically shut down industries, such as the production of aluminium,  that require a lot of electricity. The amount of electrical use in China suggests a rate of growth of about 4% to 6%, rather than the 8% to 10% that gets reported. 4% is a very healthy growth rate. Most finance ministers would kill for a number like that, but the difference between 5% and 10% is significant if you project those numbers over 50 years. 

This brings us to why press freedoms are so restricted in China when compared to the Hong Kong or Taiwan. The Party's legitimacy is based on performance. If the numbers don't look good, the Party is in trouble. With a free press comes greater third party review. That's a threat. It follows that we will see little movement in the direction of greater press freedoms until the Party can find a different way to sustain its legitimacy. China is a big country. The Party could use geography to their advantage. Chinese now can not move freely. A system of internal passports restricts the movement of people from one place to the next. Relaxation of those restrictions would allow people to move away from administrators they see as less legitimate toward ones they see as more.  

China vs. United States: Economy

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Source: Mint.com

China vs. United States: People

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Source: Mint.com

China vs. United States: Geography

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Source: Mint.com

China vs. United States: Military

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Source: Mint.com

 

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